Does the Mormon Church Fund Hamas? What the Evidence Actually Shows
The Claim
$140 million.
That was the number. $140 million in Mormon charity money, allegedly funneled to organizations tied to Hamas. It is the kind of number that is designed to make you feel something before you understand anything. So we set out to understand it.
In January 2026, the Middle East Forum — a Philadelphia-based policy organization — published a report alleging that charities connected to The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints had transferred $140.6 million to Islamic organizations with documented ties to Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood, and other designated terrorist groups. [MEF REPORT]
The story moved fast. Amy Mek amplified it. JNS ran it. Israel365 News and the RAIR Foundation ran it. And a church most people associate with missionaries in white shirts and family home evening was suddenly being accused of bankrolling terror.
On February 13, 2026, the Church responded through its Newsroom, calling the report false. [CHURCH ACCOUNT] On March 23, the Middle East Forum published a follow-up: same data, expanded allegations, sharper language. [MEF REPORT]
So who is right? Both of them. And neither of them. Because the truth lives in the details that nobody wants to sit with.
Three Channels, One Headline
The $140 million did not move through a single pipe. It flowed through three different channels — and the difference between them is the difference between the headline and the truth.
| Channel | Amount | What it is |
|---|---|---|
| Globus Relief | $119.0M | What it isIndependent Salt Lake City 501(c)(3), founded and run by Latter-day Saint members. Not controlled by the Church. |
| Lifting Hands International | $19.5M | What it isIndependent Utah 501(c)(3), also member-founded. Not controlled by the Church. |
| LDS Charities | $2.1M | What it isThe Church’s own official humanitarian arm. This is the only Church-controlled channel. |
Globus Relief and Lifting Hands International are run by Church members. But the Church does not control them, does not direct them, and does not appoint their boards. They are independent American charities that happen to have been founded by Latter-day Saints — which makes attributing their grants to the Church roughly like blaming the Catholic Church for what a Catholic businessman does with his foundation, or blaming the Methodists for whatever a Methodist hospital chooses to fund. [VERIFIED]
The Money Wasn't Money
Here is the other thing the headlines erased: across all three channels, the overwhelming majority of the donations were not cash. They were bandages. Syringes. Surgical gloves. Donated pharmaceuticals. Surplus hospital equipment. In-kind goods.
And you do not have to take our word for it, because it is on the public record. Every American nonprofit that grants more than $5,000 to another organization must report it on IRS Form 990 Schedule I — which requires two separate columns: cash grants and non-cash assistance. Pull Globus Relief’s filings and the cash column is nearly empty. The non-cash column is where the $119 million lives. [VERIFIED]
Globus Relief’s entire model is collecting surplus medical supplies from American hospitals and redistributing them through roughly 850 partner charities in 160 countries, with overhead under one percent.
Does in-kind aid eliminate all risk? No. Supplies have value; they can be resold or seized. Those are legitimate concerns, and we do not wave them away. But the difference between shipping bandages and wiring cash is enormous — and the headlines erased that distinction entirely.
The Intermediary Problem
So far, so good for the Church. But none of this means there are no real questions. Because here is where it gets complicated.
Those supplies went to intermediary organizations — legal American 501(c)(3) charities that file taxes, keep offices in U.S. cities, and appear on no U.S. terrorist designation list. Organizations like Islamic Relief, MedGlobal, and Rahma Worldwide. The allegations concern what sits downstream of them: personnel connections and partner connections to groups that are genuinely troubling.
- Islamic Relief. A global family of legally distinct affiliates. Israel banned Islamic Relief Worldwide in 2014, and the U.S. State Department ended a partnership in 2021; multiple Western governments have cited Muslim Brotherhood links. (The U.S. affiliate, Islamic Relief USA, is a separate legal entity — a distinction that matters and that the viral coverage flattened.) [VERIFIED]
- MedGlobal. Its founder, Dr. Zaher Sahloul, has a documented public relationship, dating to 2012, with Dallin H. Oaks — then a senior apostle, now President of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. MedGlobal also works directly with the Ministry of Health in Gaza, which Hamas controls. [VERIFIED]
- Rahma Worldwide. According to internal Hamas documents reported in the Middle East Forum’s investigation, its Gazan director was identified as “affiliated with the Hamas movement.” [MEF REPORT]
So the donations did not go to Hamas. They went to organizations that went to organizations that have connections to people who have connections to Hamas. That is not the same thing. But it is also not nothing.
And there is one subset the Church has not addressed: the $2.1 million that LDS Charities granted directly to MedGlobal — $200,000 in 2017 and $1.9 million in 2019. That is not Globus Relief’s money or Lifting Hands’ money. That is the Church’s own humanitarian arm choosing to fund an organization whose founder publicly references his friendship with the man who now leads the Church, and which operates through Hamas’s health ministry. That is not terrorism. That is a relationship that requires explanation — and so far, the Church has not given one. [VERIFIED]
Who Is the Accuser?
In journalism, the source matters as much as the claim. The Middle East Forum was founded in 1990 by Daniel Pipes — a Harvard-educated historian who has taught at Chicago, Harvard, and the U.S. Naval War College, served in five U.S. administrations, and received a contested recess appointment from President George W. Bush to the U.S. Institute of Peace. MEF’s projects include Campus Watch, Islamist Watch, and the Israel Victory Project, which advocates ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through Palestinian capitulation rather than negotiation. That last one tells you something about where MEF sits.
Here is the credibility case and the criticism case, side by side — because both are real.
Won every major legal challenge brought against it; claims by the South Florida Muslim Federation dismissed twice by a federal judge.
Research cited by Congress.
Its Legal Project prevailed against the National Iranian American Council, which was ordered to pay $183,000 in fees.
Uses publicly verifiable data: IRS filings, government records, published reports. You can check its work.
Georgetown’s Bridge Initiative places MEF in what it calls the “Islamophobia network”; SPLC and the Center for American Progress have published similar critiques.
Daniel Pipes’s 1990 writings about Muslim immigrants are indefensible by any modern standard.
MEF funded the legal defense of British far-right activist Tommy Robinson.
MEF’s writings were cited in Anders Breivik’s manifesto. MEF is not responsible for Breivik — but the citation tells you who finds the material useful.
CAIR considers MEF a core driver of anti-Muslim prejudice in the U.S.
What do we do with that? What journalists are supposed to do: separate the data from the framing. The IRS filings are real. The government designations are real. That data stands on its own merits. But calling The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints a “leading benefactor” of Islamist extremism is not data — it is framing. And it is doing far more work than the evidence supports.
The Structural Trap
To understand why this story is bigger than one church, you need to know the name Mohammad El-Halabi.
For eleven years, El-Halabi was World Vision’s director of operations in Gaza — food distribution, medical programs, children’s services, inside one of the most respected aid agencies on Earth, a Christian organization with $3.5 billion in annual revenue and entire departments of auditors. In 2022, an Israeli court convicted him of diverting tens of millions of dollars to Hamas. In 2025, Hamas traded him back in a hostage exchange. [VERIFIED]
We should be honest about what is contested here, because our standard is to steelman everything. The conviction rested substantially on classified evidence; UN human rights experts criticized the trial; and independent reviews commissioned by World Vision and by the Australian government reported finding no evidence that funds were diverted. El-Halabi maintained his innocence throughout. [CONTESTED]
But notice: the lesson survives either reading. If El-Halabi was guilty, then Hamas infiltrated one of the best-resourced, most heavily audited humanitarian organizations in the world for over a decade. If he was innocent, then a respected aid agency spent years accused, prosecuted, and reputationally devastated over operations in Gaza anyway. Either way, the conclusion is the same: nobody operating in Gaza is immune. Nobody.
Hamas is not just a militia. It's a government.
Since 2007, Hamas has controlled every functioning institution inside Gaza: the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Education, social welfare, border crossings, tax collection, sewage, electricity. So when the Middle East Forum says MedGlobal works “with the Ministry of Health in Gaza” — yes, that is true. But there is no non-Hamas Ministry of Health. If you want to vaccinate children in Gaza, you coordinate with Hamas’s health ministry. If you want to feed two million civilians during a war, you cross Hamas-controlled checkpoints.
Every organization delivering aid in Gaza operates under this constraint: the United Nations, the Red Cross, Doctors Without Borders, Catholic Relief Services, World Central Kitchen, Lutheran World Relief, even direct U.S. government humanitarian aid. Every single one. This is not a Mormon problem. It is a structural problem, and it has no clean solution.
Organizations in Gaza face a binary choice. Option A: refuse to operate, and leave two million civilians without food, medicine, or clean water. Option B: operate within the Hamas-controlled system, accept that some friction with Hamas infrastructure is unavoidable, and do your best to deliver aid to the people who need it. There is no Option C. Even Israel365 News — one of the outlets that originally amplified the MEF investigation — acknowledged this in a follow-up, calling it the “impossible dilemma.”
The Church chose Option B. So did the UN. So did World Vision. So did every Christian denomination operating in Gaza for the last two decades. The question is not whether the Church made this choice. The question is whether it made the choice wisely — with adequate safeguards, and with enough transparency for its members to evaluate.
What the Church Said — and What It Didn't
The Church’s February 13 statement condemned terrorism, noted that the independent charities are not Church-controlled, and said Church-direct aid is project-specific and largely in-kind. All of that is true. [CHURCH ACCOUNT]
But what the statement did not say is just as revealing. It did not address the MedGlobal relationship. It did not address the documented connection between MedGlobal’s founder and President Oaks. It did not address the Rahma Worldwide partnership that continued after October 7. It did not name the two independent charities that account for 98 percent of the headline figure. And it offered zero specific transparency measures going forward.
The Middle East Forum’s follow-up made a sharp point here: the Church’s response mirrors how World Vision responded before its own Gaza crisis broke open. On the substance, that comparison is not fair — World Vision faced allegations of an embedded operative running its Gaza office; the Church has legal intermediaries with downstream concerns. Those are not the same situation. But the playbook — blanket denial, no specifics, trust us — is identical. And it creates a vulnerability the Church does not need.
The Context Nobody Mentions
Here is something the Middle East Forum’s report leaves out completely: the Church has one of the longest institutional ties to Israel of any Christian denomination on the planet.
- 1841. Fifty years before the founding of modern Zionism, apostle Orson Hyde traveled to Jerusalem and dedicated the land for the return of the Jewish people. [VERIFIED]
- 1890s. The Church donated land in Salt Lake City for Utah’s first synagogue. [CONTEXT]
- 1968. BYU began its Jerusalem study abroad program. [VERIFIED]
- 1980s. The Church invested more than $50 million to build the BYU Jerusalem Center on Mount Scopus. When the construction was contested, 154 members of the U.S. Congress wrote to the Knesset urging that it proceed — and the Anti-Defamation League and B’nai B’rith sided with the Church. [VERIFIED]
Does that sound like an organization that wants to fund Hamas? It does not. And anyone telling you otherwise is selling you something other than the truth.
The Bottom Line
| Question | Verdict |
|---|---|
| QuestionDoes The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints support terrorist groups like Hamas? | VerdictNO |
| QuestionDid Mormon-affiliated charities ship medical supplies to intermediaries with troubling downstream connections? | VerdictYES — the IRS data confirms it |
| QuestionDid the Church itself fund MedGlobal — an organization working through Hamas’s Ministry of Health, founded by a man who publicly references his friendship with the Church’s now-President? | VerdictYES — $2.1M, 2017–2019 |
| QuestionDid the Church exercise adequate vetting and oversight of those partnerships? | VerdictUNCLEAR — insufficient transparency to verify |
| QuestionShould the Church do better? | VerdictABSOLUTELY |
Five Things the Church Should Do Now
First, credit where it is due. The Church’s humanitarian instinct is correct: feeding the hungry, clothing the naked, and healing the sick regardless of nationality, religion, or who governs the territory is Christ-like, full stop. The emphasis on in-kind donations over cash shows real awareness of diversion risk. The project-specific framework with legal intermediaries is, broadly, the right model. And $1.45 billion in total humanitarian spending in 2024 is real, life-saving work.
But when seventeen million members contribute tithing in faith, they are owed more than “trust us.” Here is what we think the Church should do — not because we are critics, but because we think this is a Church that can lead.
- Publish the partner list. A complete list of LDS Charities’ humanitarian partners in conflict zones. Transparency is the most powerful answer to every one of these allegations.
- Commission an independent audit. Of Middle East operations — external, published, verifiable, by a recognized firm. Not an internal review.
- Address the specifics. Explain the MedGlobal and Rahma Worldwide relationships: their nature, the safeguards in place, and whether they will continue.
- Publish enhanced vetting protocols. For all intermediary partners, including regular downstream-connection reviews.
- Engage. When legitimate questions arise — even from sources with their own ideological agendas — engage with the specifics rather than the framing. The Church learned this lesson once before, with the Gospel Topics Essays. Transparency served faith. The same principle applies here.
The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is not a supporter of terrorism. But it has a transparency problem — and in a world where information moves faster than institutions can respond, transparency is not just good governance. It is self-defense. This is a Church that sent an apostle to dedicate Jerusalem 185 years ago, that built a campus overlooking the Old City, and that ships millions of dollars of medical supplies to suffering people without asking their religion first. That Church can lead on this. It should lead on this. And its seventeen million members deserve to know that it will.
Methodology & Sourcing Note
Every figure in this article is source-tagged. VERIFIED indicates public filings or public record (IRS Form 990 Schedule I, court records, government designations, contemporaneous news coverage). MEF REPORT indicates claims single-sourced to the Middle East Forum’s January and March 2026 publications, including its characterization of internal Hamas documents; these are presented with attribution and are not independently confirmed by Mormonism Explained. CHURCH ACCOUNT indicates the Church Newsroom’s February 13, 2026 statement. CONTESTED indicates matters in genuine dispute — principally the El-Halabi conviction, which rested substantially on classified evidence and which independent reviews commissioned by World Vision and the Australian government did not corroborate. We present both readings and draw only the conclusion that survives both.
Entity precision: “Islamic Relief” refers to a family of legally distinct affiliates; Israel’s 2014 ban named Islamic Relief Worldwide, and the U.S. affiliate is a separate 501(c)(3). Dallin H. Oaks became President of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints on October 14, 2025; the LDS Charities grants to MedGlobal (2017, 2019) predate that call. We do not use the word “fabricated” of any named living person. We separate data from framing wherever the two travel together.